viernes, 20 de abril de 2018

THE DEMS ARE FILING LAWSUIT AGAINST WHOM ?

THE CEI C65 WRITES :

Hillary Clinton looked the prospective president of the United States, but something went wrong
Trump won the elections amidst a lot of suspicions that they were rigged
Soon later, accusations against Trump mounted and several members of his cabinet were forced to resign
Trump is suspected to have tilted the election results in his favour and the Democrats hit the roof
They are not prepared to tolerate having lost when they in fact didn t Hillary , as a matter of fact, got the most votes .

READ ON .....

This is some news from THE WASHINGTON POST

 https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/democratic-party-files-lawsuit-alleging-russia-the-trump-campaign-and-wikileaks-conspired-to-disrupt-the-2016-campaign/2018/04/20/befe8364-4418-11e8-8569-26fda6b404c7_story.html?noredirect=on&utm_term=.eaea766a5d4c&wpisrc=al_news__alert-politics--alert-national&wpmk=1


martes, 10 de abril de 2018

MARK ZUCKERBERG AT CAPITOL HILL



AN ACT OF CONTRITION  -   IS THAT ENOUGH ?

CAN HE REPAIR ALL THE DAMAGE DONE ?
CAN IT REALLY BE FIXED ?



https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-switch/wp/2018/04/09/facebook-chief-executive-mark-zuckerberg-to-captiol-hill-it-was-my-mistake-and-im-sorry/?noredirect=on&utm_term=.8b4a154f0502&wpisrc=al_news__alert-politics--alert-national&wpmk=1

DATA ABUSE BOUNTY THE LATEST ON FACEBOOK

Our questions is

BREACH OF PRIVACY

Should FACEBOOK ONLY CARRY THE BLAME ?

Read the article and discuss the importance of this new activity of FACEBOOK

https://newsroom.fb.com/news/2018/04/data-abuse-bounty/

martes, 3 de abril de 2018

THE FUTURE OF FIREARMS

AMERICANS, GUNS, AND THE FUTURE
Dick Metcalf has been shooting since kindergarten, a member of the NRA since middle school.  He’s been studying, writing, and teaching about firearms for over 40 years. But Metcalf’s long career as a columnist with Guns & Ammo magazine came to an abrupt halt in late 2013 after he penned a column that explored the line between firearm regulation and Second Amendment infringement. The backlash was quick and complete from what Metcalf calls the “radical extremists” of the firearms movement, a movement he’s always considered himself a part of.  Join Dick Metcalf and The Atlantic’s Ron Brownstein for a conversation about guns, culture, 

jueves, 22 de marzo de 2018

FACEBOOK S REPUTATIONAL MELTDOWN

Facebook faces a reputational meltdown

This is how it, and the wider industry, should respond
LAST year the idea took hold that Mark Zuckerberg might run for president in 2020 and seek to lead the world’s most powerful country. Today, Facebook’s founder is fighting to show that he is capable of leading the world’s eighth-biggest listed company or that any of its 2.1bn users should trust it.
News that Cambridge Analytica (CA), a firm linked to President Donald Trump’s 2016 campaign, got data on 50m Facebook users in dubious, possibly illegal, ways has lit a firestorm (see article). Mr Zuckerberg took five days to reply and, when he did, he conceded that Facebook had let its users down in the past but seemed not to have grasped that its business faces a wider crisis of confidence. After months of talk about propaganda and fake news, politicians in Europe and, increasingly, America see Facebook as out of control and in denial. Congress wants him to testify. Expect a roasting.

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Since the news, spooked investors have wiped 9% off Facebook’s shares. Consumers are belatedly waking up to the dangers of handing over data to tech giants that are run like black boxes. Already, according to the Pew Research Centre, a think-tank, a majority of Americans say they distrust social-media firms. Mr Zuckerberg and his industry need to change, fast.
The addiction game
Facebook’s business relies on three elements: keeping users glued to their screens, collecting data about their behaviour and convincing advertisers to pay billions of dollars to reach them with targeted ads. The firm has an incentive to promote material that grabs attention and to sell ads to anyone. Its culture melds a ruthless pursuit of profit with a Panglossian and narcissistic belief in its own virtue. Mr Zuckerberg controls the firm’s voting rights. Clearly, he gets too little criticism.
In the latest fiasco, it emerged that in 2013 an academic in Britain built a questionnaire app for Facebook users, which 270,000 people answered. They in turn had 50m Facebook friends. Data on all these people then ended up with CA. (Full disclosure: The Economist once used CA for a market-research project.) Facebook says that it could not happen again and that the academic and CA broke its rules; both deny doing anything wrong. Regulators in Europe and America are investigating. Facebook knew of the problem in 2015, but it did not alert individual users. Although nobody knows how much CA benefited Mr Trump’s campaign, the fuss has been amplified by the left’s disbelief that he could have won the election fairly.
But that does not give Facebook a defence. The episode fits an established pattern of sloppiness towards privacy, tolerance of inaccuracy and reluctance to admit mistakes. In early 2017 Mr Zuckerberg dismissed the idea that fake news had influenced the election as “pretty crazy”. In September Facebook said Kremlin-linked firms had spent a mere $100,000 to buy 3,000 adverts on its platform, failing at first to mention that 150m users had seen free posts by Russian operatives. It has also repeatedly misled advertisers about its user statistics.
Facebook is not about to be banned or put out of business, but the chances of a regulatory backlash are growing. Europe is inflicting punishment by a thousand cuts, from digital taxes to antitrust cases. And distrustful users are switching off. The American customer base of Facebook’s core social network has stagnated since June 2017. Its share of America’s digital advertising market is forecast to dip this year for the first time. The network effect that made Facebook ever more attractive to new members as it grew could work in reverse if it starts to shrink. Facebook is worth $493bn, but only has $14bn of physical assets. Its value is intangible—and, potentially, ephemeral.
If Mr Zuckerberg wants to do right by the public and his firm, he must rebuild trust. So far he has promised to audit some apps, restrict developers’ access to data still further, and help people control which apps have access to their data.
That doesn’t go nearly far enough. Facebook needs a full, independent examination of its approach to content, privacy and data, including its role in the 2016 election and the Brexit referendum. This should be made public. Each year Facebook should publish a report on its conduct that sets out everything from the prevalence of fake news to privacy breaches.
Next, Facebook and other tech firms need to open up to outsiders, safely and methodically. They should create an industry ombudsman—call it the Data Rights Board. Part of its job would be to set and enforce the rules by which accredited independent researchers look inside platforms without threatening users’ privacy. Software is being developed with this in mind (see article). The likes of Facebook raise big questions. How does micro-targeting skew political campaigns? What biases infect facial-recognition algorithms? Better they be answered with evidence instead of outrage.
The board or something like it could also act as a referee for complaints, and police voluntary data-protection protocols. Facebook, for example, is planning to comply worldwide with some of the measures contained in a new European law, called the General Data Protection Regulation. Among other things, this will give users more power to opt out of being tracked online and to stop their information being shared with third parties. Adherence to such rules needs to be closely monitored.
Thumbs down
Tech has experience of acting collectively to solve problems. Standards on hardware and software, and the naming of internet domains, are agreed on jointly. Facebook’s rivals may be wary but, if the industry does not come up with a joint solution, a government clampdown will become inevitable.
Facebook seems to think it only needs to tweak its approach. In fact it, and other firms that hoover up consumer data, should assume that their entire business model is at risk. As users become better informed, the alchemy of taking their data without paying and manipulating them for profit may die. Firms may need to compensate people for their data or let them pay to use platforms ad-free. Profits won’t come as easily, but the alternative is stark. If Facebook ends up as a regulated utility with its returns on capital capped, its earnings may drop by 80%. How would you like that, Mr Zuckerberg?
This article appeared in the Leaders section of the print edition under the headline "Epic fa

domingo, 11 de febrero de 2018

SPACE EXPLORATION WHAT S NEXT FOR NASA

What's Next For NASA?

NASA's vision: We reach for new heights and reveal the unknown for the benefit of humankind.
Thousands of people have been working around the world -- and off of it -- for decades, trying to answer some basic questions. What's out there? How do we get there? What will we find? What can we learn there, or learn just by trying to get there, that will make life better here on Earth?
Explore our history, see who we are and how we work, check the list of current missions, and find out what we're launching next.  Here’s a look at some of the big things coming up.
This is NASA's 2018 'To Do' list. The work we do, which will continue in 2018, helps the United States maintain its world leadership in space exploration and scientific discovery. Launches, discoveries and more exploration await in the year ahead.
Credits: NASA
Solar System and Beyond
James Webb Space Telescope golden mirror from below
The towering primary mirror of NASA’s James Webb Space Telescope inside a cleanroom at NASA’s Johnson Space Center in Houston for testing.
Credits: NASA/Chris Gunn
NASA will add to its existing robotic fleet at the Red Planet with the InSight Mars lander set to study the planet’s interior.  The Mars 2020 rover will look for signs of past microbial life, gather samples for future return to Earth and investigate resources that could someday support astronauts.
The James Webb Space Telescope will be the premier observatory of the next decade, studying every phase in the history of our Universe in infrared, while the Parker Solar Probe will “touch the sun,” travelling closer to the surface than any spacecraft before.
NASA’s first asteroid sample return mission, OSIRIS-REx, arrives at the near-Earth asteroid Bennu in August 2018, and will return a sample for study in 2023.
Launching no later than June 2018, the Transiting Exoplanet Survey Satellite (TESS) will search for planets outside our solar system by monitoring 200,000 bright, nearby stars.
And a mission to Jupiter's ocean-bearing moon Europa is being planned for launch in the 2020s.
Sending Humans Out into Solar System
SLS/Orion lifts off from LC-39B
The Space Launch System rocket is shown lifting off from NASA's Kennedy Space Center in this artist concept.
Credits: NASA
Building on this growing scientific knowledge of our solar system, NASA is developing the most advanced rocket and spacecraft to lead the next steps of human exploration farther into space than we have ever traveled before. Launching from a revitalized NASA Kennedy Space Center in Florida, the agency’s powerful Space Launch Systemrocket will carry astronauts aboard NASA's Orion spacecraft to the Moon, where astronauts will build and begin testing the systems needed for challenging missions to other destinations, including Mars, and deeper into space.  
 
NASA will test its new deep space exploration system beginning with an integrated, uncrewed flight of SLS and Orion, known as Exploration Mission-1. During the second and subsequent early flights, NASA will develop new technologies and techniques and apply innovative approaches to solving problems in preparation for longer-duration missions far from Earth. NASA will build up its deep space capabilities before ultimately sending humans to the Red Planet.
International Space Station
International Space Station
The International Space Station in orbit.
Credits: NASA
Humans are already living and working off the Earth in the one-of-a kind research laboratory in microgravity. The International Space Station serves as a blueprint for global cooperation and scientific advancements, a destination for growing a commercial marketplace in low-Earth orbit, and a test bed for demonstrating new technologies. Research on the station is the springboard to NASA’s next great leap in exploration, sending humans into deep space.
A new generation of U.S. commercial spacecraft and rockets are supplying cargo to the space station and will soon launch astronauts once again from U.S. soil.
By studying astronauts living in space for six months or more -- including two who were there for nearly a year -- NASA is learning how future crews can thrive on longer missions farther into the solar system. The space station also is a test bed for exploration technologies like autonomous refueling of spacecraft, advanced life support systems and human/robotic interfaces.
A portion of the astronauts’ time aboard the space station has been designated for national laboratory investigations that provide direct benefits to improve life on Earth, and NASA is committed to using this unique resource for wide-ranging scientific research.
Illustration of NASA’s planned Low Boom Flight Demonstration aircraft
Illustration of NASA’s planned Low Boom Flight Demonstration aircraft.
Credits: NASA / Lockheed Martin
Aeronautics
NASA is helping transform aviation by developing advanced technologies for revolutionary aircraft shapes and propulsion, and for the airspace in which they fly, which dramatically improve efficiency, reduce noise and maintain safety in more crowded skies.
NASA is working now to design, build and fly new experimental aircraft – X-planes – that will prove the dramatic benefits of advanced technologies in piloted flight, including a Low Boom Flight Demonstrator which will provide data that could open the door to supersonic flights over land.  
739997main_SEP_15_full_full.jpg
Concept image of solar electric propulsion in support of deep space missions.
Credits: NASA
Technology
On Earth and in space, NASA is developing, testing and flying cutting-edge technologies for a new future of human and robotic exploration. Technology development at NASA provides the onramp for new space technologies, creating a pipeline that matures them from early-stage through flight.
We'll continue to evolve technologies like advanced solar electric propulsion, deep space navigation, new green propellants, and in-space manufacturing and assembly. These new space technologies will advance NASA’s capabilities to help us reach our future deep space destinations.
Earth
artist concept of ICESat-2
Concept image of ICESat-2 above Earth.
Credits: NASA's Goddard Space Flight Center
NASA’s current and future Earth missions use the vantage point of space to understand and explore our home planet, improve lives and safeguard our future. 
NASA brings together technology, science, and unique global Earth observations to provide societal benefits and strengthen our nation. Critical to understanding how our planet’s natural resources and climate are changing, our observations form the foundation for important environmental planning and decisions by people all over the world.
In 2018, NASA will launch the next generation of two missions – ICESat-2 and GRACE Follow-On – to continue the long-term record of how Earth’s ice sheets, sea level, and underground water reserves are changing.
Updated December 2017
Last Updated: Jan. 9, 2018
Editor: Brian Dunbar

WHERE ARE DREAMERS NOW ?

THE WASHINGTON POST 


Up next in the Senate: Immigration. And nobody knows what will happen.


“Dreamers” protest outside the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 21. (Melina Mara/The Washington Post)
  
A long-anticipated showdown on immigration reform is coming this week — and nobody knows how it will turn out.
The Senate is set to begin debate Monday night on an issue that has vexed lawmakers for years, probably signaling whether the closely divided chamber has any hope of striking a bipartisan compromise.
Among other challenges is whether Congress can find a way to protect “dreamers” — as a majority of Americans want for those young undocumented immigrants brought to the United States as children — while also enacting changes in border security eagerly sought by President Trump.
“We’re going to have something in the Senate that we haven’t had in a while,” Sen. Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.) said Sunday on NBC’s “Meet the Press.” “It’s a real debate on an issue where we really don’t know what the outcome is going to be.”
And few are saying much publicly about what they’re planning.
“I’m not trying to tilt the playing field in any particular direction,” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) said last week about the forthcoming immigration debate. (Melina Mara/The Washington Post)
“There’s not a lot of deep planning that’s gone on,” said Frank Sharry, founder and executive director of America’s Voice, an immigration advocacy organization. “Everyone was focused on what was going on with the shutdown. I think it is going to have a helter-skelter quality to it.”
Even if the Senate is able to pass a bill, it’s far from certain that the House will move ahead with it. Speaker Paul D. Ryan (R-Wis.) said last week that the House “will bring a solution to the floor, one the president will sign.”
What exactly Trump will support remains crucial yet unknown, as he has shown little willingness to accept anything short of the four-part plan he proposed last month.
In a weekend tweet, he reiterated support for “creating a safe, modern and lawful immigration system” that includes more border security, ending family-based legal migration and ending the diversity lottery program. He made no mention of his support for protecting 1.8 million dreamers, whose status was thrown into uncertainty when he canceled an Obama-era program known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA.
“It’s time for Congress to act and to protect Americans,” Trump said in a video message released late Saturday. “Every member of Congress should choose the side of law enforcement and the side of the American people. That’s the way it has to be.”
Republican senators, including, from left, David Perdue (Ga.), Tom Cotton (Ark.), John Cornyn (Tex.) and Thom Tillis (N.C.), will play a big role in deciding the shape of the Senate’s immigration bill. (Carolyn Kaster/AP)
Trump sparked the debate in September by announcing the end of DACA, which grants temporary legal status to roughly 690,000 dreamers. He has given lawmakers until March 5 to enact a permanent solution.
But Congress has failed for years to secure the votes to pass a Dream Act, as the legislation has become known.
Supporters of such legislation had hoped to tie it to the debate over spending, which has prompted two short-lived government shutdowns in recent weeks. Although that didn’t happen, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) did agree to set the immigration debate in motion last month when, facing pressure from senators in both parties, he said he would permit up-or-down votes on immigration proposals in exchange for ending the first shutdown, last month, which lasted three days.
“I’m not trying to tilt the playing field in any particular direction,” he said last week when asked about the debate.
Unlike most congressional debates, which begin with a prepared piece of legislation, the give-and-take over immigration will not. Instead, McConnell used his powers as floor leader late last week to bring up an unrelated bill that he said will be used as the “shell” for the debate. The shell can be reshaped when a proposed amendment has the 60 votes needed to clear procedural challenges and pass. Once amendments are added, the final bill will also require at least 60 votes to survive and pass.
“Every ounce of energy this week is going to be spent on crafting a bill that protects dreamers and can get 60 votes,” Senate Minority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) said in a statement. “It’s a hard needle to thread, but we are making progress.”
Flake said in a separate interview last week that immigration “is something that Mitch has been loathe to address; we know that.” The forthcoming debate “may not yield anything — that’s dangerous in and of itself — but we just don’t know what coalitions will develop and what amendments will gain steam.”
Liberal organizations and immigration reform advocates are warily watching the debate, pushing for a narrow fix to protect dreamers and warning that they will hold Democrats and vulnerable Republicans accountable if they cannot keep Trump’s proposed policy changes to a minimum.
“Our nightmare scenario is that we get into a long-term conversation about immigration,” said Angel Padilla, policy director for Indivisible, a grass-roots liberal organization. “There are things that need to be addressed for sure that should be addressed separately, but that will only block actual real solutions for dreamers.”
Aides in both parties and advocates tracking the debate expect that Democrats and Republicans will try introducing proposals to test the Senate’s appetite for reform.
Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) has been hosting meetings in her office since last month’s shutdown, trying to get about 25 senators in a bipartisan “Common Sense Caucus” to endorse a plan that could pass overwhelmingly. After several long meetings fueled by several boxes of Girl Scout cookies, they still have nothing.
“I don’t know whether we can get there or not,” she said.
Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), a member of the group, said the talks are “a true test for the U.S. Senate: Will senators go to the opposite corners of the partisan boxing ring, or will they come together to resolve a critical issue?”
A bipartisan proposal by Sens. John McCain (R-Ariz.) and Christopher A. Coons (D-Del.) has already been dismissed by Trump as a “waste of time.” It would grant legal status to a larger pool of undocumented immigrants than the 1.8 million Trump supports legalizing and not immediately authorize spending the $25 billion Trump wants to fortify the southern border. Their bill also says nothing about curbing family-based legal migration or making changes to the diversity lottery program.
Democrats, meanwhile, are expected to introduce a new version of the Dream Act, a bill first introduced during George W. Bush’s presidency that would provide a pathway to citizenship for millions of dreamers. A majority of Americans support the concept, but it is opposed by most Republicans unless it is passed alongside changes in border security.
Sen. Richard J. Durbin (D-Ill.), the lead Democratic negotiator on immigration, is the longtime lead sponsor of the Dream Act. If he doesn't introduce it, Democratic Sens. Kamala D. Harris (Calif.), Cory Booker (N.J.) or Kirsten Gillibrand (N.Y.), or Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) — all of whom are mulling 2020 presidential bids — might assume the mantle.
Divisions among Republican senators have flared up in recent weeks over what should be an in immigration bill, adding to the complications of securing an agreement.
Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.) said at a GOP congressional retreat this month that a narrow measure addressing the fate of young immigrants and border security may be the best deal the Senate can pass. But Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.) has said he has no interest in what he termed a “skinny” immigration framework.
“Everybody's trying to figure out the chaos of next week. So I don't know yet how open the process is going to be,” Lankford said.
Seen as a bridge between conservatives in his party and the bipartisan group, Lankford is pushing an idea to grant dreamers five years of “conditional permanent residency” so long as they remain employed, in school or serving in the military. If they maintained that status for 10 years, they could then seek a green card. And five years after that, they could apply for citizenship.
Sens. John Cornyn (R-Tex.), Charles E. Grassley (R-Iowa) and Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) have also introduced plans to fortify the U.S.-Mexico border and may take the lead in introducing Trump’s four-part immigration plan as a separate piece of legislation, according to aides familiar with the ongoing talks.
Two of Trump’s staunchest allies, Sens. David Perdue (R-Ga.) and Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), back his immigration plan but also want to curb legal immigration — an idea long championed by White House domestic policy aide Stephen Miller but opposed by other GOP lawmakers.